Russia has been downgraded by Freedom House from “partially free” to “unfree” with good reason: regional and municipal officials are no longer elected, but appointed by the Kremlin. Opposition candidates are excluded from election lists, denied access to the media, beaten and harassed. Journalists are intimidated or killed with no repercussions. There is no rule of law.
The loss of Russian democracy is the work of Vladimir Putin and his “KGB state.” His partner, President Dimitry Medvedev, in the “tandem” that rules Russia is on public record as being opposed to these developments and promises to do better. If Medvedev is sincere, he has the constitutional authority as the duly elected president of the Russian Federation to restore Russian democracy, which he can do by issuing the following four orders:
First, fire his Prime Minister, Vladimir Putin.
The average tenure of Russian prime ministers is about a year and a half, and it is the prime minister who takes the fall when things go wrong. Medvedev can cite two reasons for firing Putin: First, Putin’s criticism of his Libyan foreign policy was an act of insubordination. Second, the Russian economy under Putin’s tutelage has suffered a crisis more severe than its neighbors and is still as dependent on oil as it was a decade ago.
Second, issue an amnesty for Mikhail Khodorkovsky.
It is clear to all that Khodorkovsky has been twice sentenced on sham charges under Putin’s direction for daring to challenge him. The Khodorkovsky case clearly reveals Russia’s lack of rule of law and discourages foreign and domestic investment. Khodorkovsky’s release signals that Russia intends to abide by the rule of law.
Third, order the Central Election Commission to allow opposition candidates on election lists and access to the media.
In previous national, regional, and municipal elections, opposition candidates have been arbitrarily excluded from election lists by illegal or arbitrary means and they have been denied access to the media. Such an order would tell the world that Russia intends on having free elections.
Fourth, order the police, militia and security forces to honor the constitutional guarantee of freedom of assembly.
Attempts to organize political demonstrations have been violently suppressed by the police and paramilitary thugs despite the explicit guarantee of freedom of assembly in the Russian constitution. A key safeguard of democracy is the freedom of assembly.
It is time to call Medvedev’s bluff. Does he only like to talk about lofty principles such as free elections and rule of law or is he willing to actually do something, even if the course is risky, to say the least. If Medvedev is brave enough to issue these four orders, he would go down as a significant figure in history.
Showing posts with label elections. Show all posts
Showing posts with label elections. Show all posts
Thursday, March 24, 2011
Wednesday, March 16, 2011
Putin Takes an Electoral Shellacking and No One Notices
Russia’s regional and municipal elections on Sunday resulted in a shellacking of Putin’s United Russia that few noticed. Putin’s United Russia failed to achieve majorities in seven of the twelve regional elections. In Kirov and Kaliningrad, United Russia got less than forty percent. These results were overshadowed by events in Japan and the Middle East and few observers know how to interpret them.
To understand the failure of United Russia to win majorities, consider a U.S. election in which Republican candidates are banned, and Democratic candidates vie against candidates of the Green Party, the Libertarian Party, and the Mountain Party and THEY FAIL TO WIN A MAJORITY. This was the case in Russia on Sunday.
United Russia candidates contended against the shop-worn Communists and the “powerhouse” “Patriots of Russia” and the “Right Cause.” Candidates from the crippled Yabloko party and independent candidate were largely excluded from the election lists. In all, fifty percent of candidates from parties without seats in legislatures and forty percent of independent candidates were not allowed to register for elections. Only United Russia candidates were allowed in the media or granted permission to rent space for meetings. Election violations in favor of United Russia were recorded in virtually all precincts.
These regional and municipal elections are a dress rehearsal for December’s elections to the State Duma. We can expect that Putin and United Russia will intensify their election tricks to exclude serious rivals such as Gary Kasparov, Boris Nemtsov and Mikhail Kasyanov.
We know little about the “kitchen” in which Russian public opinion sampling is done, notably by the Levada Institute. Their “ratings” of Medvedev, Putin, and the Russian government are supposed to be honest. They do show Putin’s ratings falling from the stratosphere of 80-88 percent to 72 percent in January. In the last year, the disapproval rating of the “Russian government” rose from 43 to 47 percent. These are ratings U.S. politicians would die for, but they do show erosion at the top.
If these ratings are accurate, it is unclear why the ratings of Putin and the Russian government remain in the stratosphere (relative to the rest of the world), despite a recent terror attack, inflation, high unemployment, and the after effects of a severe economic crisis. Putin has always used his high ratings to justify whatever he does as the will of the people.
If we look at results not associated with personalities, we see an emerging picture of dissatisfaction, beginning in 2007. In 2006, 14 percent of Russians thought “state power was weak.” This figure fell below ten percent in 2008 and 2009 and currently stands at ten percent. Russians may be getting tired of the “iron hand” of the Russian state. In 2006, 33 percent of Russians were worried about corruption, bribe-taking, and arbitrary behavior of officials. Now, this figure approaches fifty percent. As in other countries, the main concerns of Russians are rising prices, poverty and unemployment. In any other country, the government and the national leader would be held responsible. Why is this not the case in Russia? Either the Russian people are forgiving of their leaders or the Putin/Medvedev ratings are exaggerated.
In any case, we can expect extreme brutality, fraud and intimidation in the upcoming December elections. I would not like to be in the shoes of those brave figures who stand up to Putin and his United Russia.
To understand the failure of United Russia to win majorities, consider a U.S. election in which Republican candidates are banned, and Democratic candidates vie against candidates of the Green Party, the Libertarian Party, and the Mountain Party and THEY FAIL TO WIN A MAJORITY. This was the case in Russia on Sunday.
United Russia candidates contended against the shop-worn Communists and the “powerhouse” “Patriots of Russia” and the “Right Cause.” Candidates from the crippled Yabloko party and independent candidate were largely excluded from the election lists. In all, fifty percent of candidates from parties without seats in legislatures and forty percent of independent candidates were not allowed to register for elections. Only United Russia candidates were allowed in the media or granted permission to rent space for meetings. Election violations in favor of United Russia were recorded in virtually all precincts.
These regional and municipal elections are a dress rehearsal for December’s elections to the State Duma. We can expect that Putin and United Russia will intensify their election tricks to exclude serious rivals such as Gary Kasparov, Boris Nemtsov and Mikhail Kasyanov.
We know little about the “kitchen” in which Russian public opinion sampling is done, notably by the Levada Institute. Their “ratings” of Medvedev, Putin, and the Russian government are supposed to be honest. They do show Putin’s ratings falling from the stratosphere of 80-88 percent to 72 percent in January. In the last year, the disapproval rating of the “Russian government” rose from 43 to 47 percent. These are ratings U.S. politicians would die for, but they do show erosion at the top.
If these ratings are accurate, it is unclear why the ratings of Putin and the Russian government remain in the stratosphere (relative to the rest of the world), despite a recent terror attack, inflation, high unemployment, and the after effects of a severe economic crisis. Putin has always used his high ratings to justify whatever he does as the will of the people.
If we look at results not associated with personalities, we see an emerging picture of dissatisfaction, beginning in 2007. In 2006, 14 percent of Russians thought “state power was weak.” This figure fell below ten percent in 2008 and 2009 and currently stands at ten percent. Russians may be getting tired of the “iron hand” of the Russian state. In 2006, 33 percent of Russians were worried about corruption, bribe-taking, and arbitrary behavior of officials. Now, this figure approaches fifty percent. As in other countries, the main concerns of Russians are rising prices, poverty and unemployment. In any other country, the government and the national leader would be held responsible. Why is this not the case in Russia? Either the Russian people are forgiving of their leaders or the Putin/Medvedev ratings are exaggerated.
In any case, we can expect extreme brutality, fraud and intimidation in the upcoming December elections. I would not like to be in the shoes of those brave figures who stand up to Putin and his United Russia.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)